#61 A Beleaguered Ethiopia

Ethiopia has had a busy year so far and it's starting to shape up to be a rough one. After invading Somalia back in July 2006 in order to crush the Islamic insurgency, the Ethiopian troops swiftly proceeded to defeat the enemy and reach Mogadishu by the end of December. Victory was clear and it was time to leave and let the African Union (AU) or the United Nations send the necessary peace keepers. But this did not happen. Instead, the AU did not make good on its pledge to send 8,000 troops (only 1,200 have been deployed), leaving the much reviled Ethiopians to face an increasingly resurgent enemy that can bank on local support when it comes to opposing what many Somalis see as invading Ethiopian forces.

While contending with the troubles in Somalia, tension with another neighbor is starting to flare up. Ethiopia has consistently accused the Eritrean government of supporting and sponsoring various terrorist groups and elements such as Al-Qaeda backed Al-Shabat, operating in Somalia. Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said recently that one of the main goals was to defeat Eritrean-backed groups in order to "make it difficult for Eritrea to take the option it has taken thusfar - destabilizing through sending elements to Ethiopia and the horn." He said putting Eritrea's accomplices "out of the game" will leave Eritrea with one option: aggressing Ethiopia on its border - a step deemed unlikely, given the result of the 2000 border war with Ethiopia and the likely backlash from the international community (perhaps most importantly from China).

Eritrea, on it's part, released eight Ethiopian citizens who were kidnapped in the northern Afar region in March. Five Europeans had also been kidnapped, but were released 12 days after their capture. Despite this gesture of apparent goodwill, it appears most east African states support Ethiopia and the transitional government of Somalia, while Eritrea openly supports the Islamists. This, in part, has led to Eritrea leaving the Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD), signaling increased instability in the region. Eritrea released a document explaining their decision to suspend their membership of IGAD, accusing Ethiopia and the U.S. of intentionally causing havoc in the Horn of Africa in order to restore U.S. dominance in the region.

Besides the escalating conflict in Somalia that is starting to entrap the Ethiopians and has caused a massive refugee problem, Ethiopia was rudely awakened by a massive shooting rampage in Abole, a small town about 120km (75 miles) from the regional capital, Jijiga, in the Somali (not to be confused with the country, Somalia) region. Gunmen from the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) killed at least 74 people in an attack on an exploratory drilling site run by a subsidiary of the Chinese government-owned giant oil company, Sinopec. Sixty-five of the dead were Ethiopians and nine were Chinese oil workers. Seven Chinese were also taken captive. Ethiopia has launched a rescue operation to try and secure the release of the Chinese, accusing Eritrea of backing the ONLF in the process. The safety of Chinese interests in Ethiopia is crucial for the African nation, since China is Ethiopia's largest trading partner, with trade worth $450 million in 2006.

China is sure to learn lessons from this attack as well, as the killing of 9 Chinese and the abduction of 7 others comes on the backdrop of 16 Chinese oil workers being kidnapped in Nigeria and a Chinese engineer being killed and another injured in Kenya this year alone. This poses a major dilemma for China, that swears on her policy of non-interference. Until the recent murders and kidnappings of Chinese civilians, this policy has worked very much in China's favor, allowing it to gain access to resources in far flung regions where unsavory types run the show. But once the Chinese themselves become targets, the feasibility of such a policy is brought into question. Perhaps the recent stunning discovery of 2.2 billion barrels of oil in Bohai Bay (northeastern China) will temporarily quench China's thirst for foreign oil and gas, though this is highly unlikely.

#13 On Shutting the Kenyan Border

Where there is war, there are inevitably refugees seeking a safe haven in neighbouring countries. This is currently the case in Somalia as well, though the major fighting seems to have ended for now with the apparent defeat by Ethiopia of the Union of Islamic Courts militiamen. Nevertheless, there are still people fleeing the country. One such destination is Kenya. Kenya, however, borders the south of Somalia, which happens to be the part of the country where the Islamists have been pushed back to.

This has created the tricky situation where both genuine refugees and guerilla fighters are attempting to cross the same border. While shutting down the border is perhaps not the most humane action, it seems to be the most logical and effective option when keeping in mind the long term. Somali President Abdillahi Yusuf was thinking exactly that when he recently held talks with Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki at State House, Mombasa, urging Kibaki to prevent fleeing militia from leaving the country.

The two agreed not only to seriously tighten border security, but also to ensure no foreigner is allowed to enter Kenya from Somalia. This was decided after it was found that there are hundreds of foreign fighters near the border, among which an Ethiopian national with a Canadian passport who was the commander of the Ogaden National Liberation Front forces sympathetic to the Islamists. Many Eritreans and some Kenyans are also fighting on behalf of the Islamists, but even militiamen from as far away as Egypt, Chechnya, Afghanistan and Pakistan have been signaled. US marines operating in Lamu have pledged to help the Kenyans guard the border.

By shutting down the Kenyan border, the pursuing Ethiopian forces will find the last remaining UIC fighters all batched up in one area. Due to the superior military power of the Ethiopian forces and the disorientation of the militia, it should be a relatively simple task to round them all up and effectively end any hope they had of staging a counteroffensive. As for the Islamic forces that are already in Kenyan villages, they should be dealt with locally in Kenya and not allowed to re-enter Somalia.

There are two problems left to solve in the Somali conflict: 1. defeating the UIC, 2. building a stable Somalia with an effective central government. By dealing a final blow to the Islamists around Somalia's border with Kenya, one of the two problems will be solved, allowing for complete attention to be on solving the second problem.

#9 Bluff vs Brilliance

The latest news in the conflict in Somalia is that Somali government troops and Ethiopian forces have entered Mogadishu without firing a shot. What's more, interim government Prime Minister Mohamed Ali Gedi was allegedly welcomed to the town of Afgoye on the outskirts of Mogadishu by dozens of clan leaders from the capital. I presume Mr. Gedi has never before felt this powerful. He has only the brilliance of Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to thank.

Zenawi said from the start that the aim was to come in with full force, inflict severe damage, if not total defeat on the Islamist fighters, strengthen Gedi and his government, help build an environment conducive for peace, and get out of there as soon as possible. So far Zenawi has been exceptionally effective and appears to be keeping all his promises. Zenawi's latest pledge: "We are discussing what we need to do to make sure Mogadishu does not descend into chaos. We will not let Mogadishu burn."

The Islamists, meanwhile, are threatening an all out "holy war" against Ethiopia with the help of a possibly large number of foreign Mujahideen. According to Islamic leader Hassan Dahir Aweys, the current retreat to the south is only for tactical reasons. This could signal serious conflict and bloodshed in a few days, but it could also be merely a last ditch effort to save face by bluffing. If the latter is the case, then we should logically presume that brilliance will overcome bluff without all too much trouble.

Once the definitive outcome of the direct conflict is known, it will be time to deal with a possibly much more challenging problem: installing an effective government capable of running the entire nation from the capital of Mogadishu.

#6 Welcoming the Ethiopian Infidels

Somalia is perhaps best known for the distinctly graphic First Battle of Mogadishu in 1993, which was the basis for the novel and movie Black Hawk Down. By the next year the US had fully disengaged, leaving the country in the chaos that ensued with the ouster of Dictator Mohammed Siad Barre in 1991. After years of civil war fueled by rival clans and a number of declarations of newly-independent states (e.g. Somaliland and Puntland), the UN installed a Transitional National Government, but it has failed to assert any real control.

Recently the Islamic Courts Union (UIC) has managed to more or less unite the country, for better or for worse. The Islamic group has taken control over much of Somalia, including the capital, Mogadishu, bringing a desperately needed sense of order. Let there be no mistake, however: I personally do not support any group that aspires to create a state dictated by Sharia law. A second Taliban playground is not a welcome solution, no matter how much unity it creates in a torn country.

In steps Ethiopia.

Ethiopia is a predominantly Christian nation and a supporter of Somalia's interim government. As such, it is far from being a dear friend of the UIC. With a declaration of "holy war" by the UIC in hand, Ethiopia's Prime Minister Meles Zenawi announced Sunday night that his country had dropped two bombs on Somalia's main airport, while Somali troops, backed by Ethiopian soldiers, captured a key border town (Belet Weyne). According to early reports, there were some celebrations among Somali citizens as government soldiers moved through the town and headed south in pursuit of fleeing Islamic militiamen.

Fighting is expected to continue to escalate, with reports of fierce battles in the main government town of Baidoa and other areas. Fear further exists that Somalia will become a proxy battlefield between Ethiopia (supporting the transitional government) and Eritrea (supporting the Islamists). With regular citings of foreign Islamic fighters and the US desire to stop the UIC, Somalia also looks set to become a key battleground in the War on Terror.