#39 Time For EU to Sit Down With Mugabe

As Zimbabwean President Robert Gabriel Mugabe turns 83 today, there is little to celebrate for the citizens of the Southern African country. Annual inflation has skyrocketed to 1,593.6 percent, food shortages are gripping many parts of the country, badly-needed professionals have left, education and healthcare services, once the best on the continent, are deteriorating. The list goes on. Yet Mugabe seems unaffected by Zimbabwe’s predicament. If anything, Mugabe doesn’t think there are any problems in Zimbabwe. If there are any, then he believes the West is to blame.

It pains to see Zimbabwe sink to such low levels. Few would doubt Zimbabwe’s potential; statistics speak for themselves. Zimbabwe had the highest literacy rate in Africa put at 95.2 percent by UNICEF in 2000. With production levels of 237 million kg, Zimbabwe was the world’s third largest tobacco producer after Brazil and the United States prior to the land invasions in 2000. It remains the fifth largest producer of gold in the world. Unknown to many, Zimbabwe also possesses two-thirds of the world’s reserves for metallurgical grade chromite and until recently, Zimbabwe was the second largest producer of floriculture in Africa after Kenya. More so, Zimbabwe remains the world’s fifth largest producer of white asbestos, after Russia, Canada, China and Brazil.

So what has gone wrong? Mugabe’s hands are dirty. That’s a fact. The EU, on the other hand, is seeking to clean those hands with clearly logical yet unworkable tactics. Angered by Mugabe’s controversial distribution of white-owned commercial farms to mainly landless blacks and his disputed re-election in 2002, the EU introduced its so-called targeted sanctions against Mugabe and his top officials. The sanctions include an arms embargo, travel ban and asset freeze on Mugabe and members of his governing ZANU PF party. In sanctioning a dictator of Mugabe’s size and magnitude, the EU is hoping to change policy in Zimbabwe.

But frankly speaking, that’s not working: five years after the sanctions were introduced, Mugabe hasn’t changed his policy. In fact, it seems to have gotten worse. What people like me will never understand is the EU’s eagerness to continuously renew the sanctions when there is no credible evidence to prove Mugabe is shifting policy.

You don’t really hurt Mugabe much by telling him “Mr. Mugabe, you are banned from coming to the EU.” In this era of globalization, Mugabe and Jan Pieter Balkanende can wear similar suits from the same chain, only that Mugabe will buy his in Kuala Lumpur or Shanghai, while Balkanende will get his in The Hague or Amsterdam. Neither do you really expect Mugabe to change policy by telling him “Robert, you are not allowed to open a bank account in the EU.” He will simply say “Okay,” before taking a flight to Singapore. Even better, considering the power he has, there isn’t any need for Mugabe to keep his money and assets in a foreign bank. For him, the state house is perhaps nearer and more convenient. Worse still, Mugabe and his officials have travelled to the EU on several occasions during the sanctions’ five-year tenure, rendering them somewhat pointless. Portugal is reportedly prepared to invite Mugabe to the EU-Africa summit in April because it fears Mugabe’s failure to attend may influence other African nations to boycott. Most recently, the South African President cancelled his plans to attend the French-Africa summit, a day after it was revealed that Mugabe wasn’t invited. Of course Mbeki gave other reasons for a no-show, but some of us who are familiar with the cordial relationship of the two, won’t buy into them.

The Western media, politicians and NGOs working in Zimbabwe at times badly underestimate Mugabe’s support. I know many people will not agree with me, but I am confident when proclaiming that Mugabe has got what it takes to easily win a free and fair election in present day Zimbabwe. Here is how he does it: brainwash people. Mugabe is in control of the media, so it’s easy to indoctrinate them. In 2002, I told my late grandmother to vote for the opposition. You can guess what kind of answer I got. “You want the British to take over Zimbabwe again?” In African politics, rural dwellers should be on your side if you want to win a national election. Nobody knows that more than Mugabe. With a bit of some intimidation, rural folks are given food to vote for Mugabe. Of course, you wouldn’t call this ‘free and fair,’ but it is a tactic which seems acceptable in African politics. While Mugabe’s support is diminishing in big cities such as Harare and Bulawayo, the same cannot be said about the rural areas, where he enjoys huge support.

Then there are those who just support Mugabe for who he is. Mugabe is seen as a liberator, a true freedom fighter who somehow, like South Africa’s Nelson Mandela, fiercely fought for racial equality in Zimbabwe. After many years of white rule, it was Mugabe who in 1980 introduced equal education and healthcare for blacks in Zimbabwe. Although I can safely say he is partially destroying what he built, Mugabe is still seen as a hero by many people in Zimbabwe and beyond. Mugabe’s fierce rhetoric against ‘Western imperialism’ attracts some sympathy and support in Zimbabwe.

In short, sanctions have only helped Mugabe become more stubborn. Buoyed by his ‘Look East’ policy, he is eager to prove to the West that his regime can last as long as those of emerging economies like China exist. I spent two months in Zimbabwe late last year, and I was quite astounded by the ubiquitous presence of Chinese products in the country. Everywhere you go in Zimbabwe, you will be greeted by what locals have termed ‘zhing-zhongs,’ a derogatory word deriding Chinese goods’ lack of quality. With most of the industries closing shop, it was hardly surprising to note that even the toilet paper was coming from Beijing. China has become one of Mugabe’s last remaining friends. Clever as he has always been, Mugabe knows that with China on his side, the UN Security Council cannot question his policy.

So what’s the benefit of talking rather than isolating Mugabe? Perhaps the EU doesn’t realize Mugabe’s influence in African politics. Zimbabwe and Mugabe in particular, was heavily involved in ending the armed conflict in Mozambique in the late 1980s. Why not use Mugabe’s experience to end other conflicts in Africa? Even so, some African leaders feel Africa is incomplete without Zimbabwe, which is why Mugabe will certainly be lobbying for an African boycott of the EU-Africa summit. He has done it before and he will do it again.

Zimbabwe, whose economy also depends on tourism, cannot afford to have negative publicity anymore. Over the years, Western tourists have shunned Zimbabwe and millions working in the industry have lost their jobs. Although he is the target of EU sanctions, Mugabe isn’t affected by that in any way. Talking to him would help improve Zimbabwe’s battered image and bring in badly-needed foreign investors.

Zimbabwe, like the Great Lakes region of Africa and stubborn Sudan in particular, is a trouble spot. The EU’s foreign chief Javier Solana has appointed special representatives in many of these these hot spots, but has left out Zimbabwe. Why? Does that make Zimbabwe less troubled?

It’s not going to be easy to talk to Mugabe, but if the EU has another solution for Zimbabwe, they should table it now. Sanctions might be logical and right, but there are no signs that they will influence policy in Zimbabwe. Instead of isolating Mugabe, the sanctions indirectly isolate the Zimbabwean people. By talking with Mugabe, the EU is at a much better position to influence Zimbabwean policy. Talk to people who have links with Zimbabwe. Most of them will tell you, Zimbabwe will stay the same as long as Mugabe is in power. Negotiating with him may pave the way for his retirement. Talking to Mugabe may also help the position of the remaining 1000 white farmers, whose future looks bleak under his rule. And finally and more importantly, with Mugabe gone, educated professionals like me and over two million Zimbabweans living abroad, will be prepared to go back and rebuild the country that we dearly love and miss.

- This article was first published in the NRC Next (a Dutch national newspaper) on February 21, 2007. It was provided to the Weekend Economist by the author, Bruce Mutsvairo.